While the world is engrossed in following the Epstein files, there
are other, seemingly modest developments that actually carry
major headlines about the future and the years ahead.
On 2 February 2026, the United Arab Emirates signed a
Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement with the
Democratic Republic of the Congo, and a few weeks earlier, it
announced a similar partnership with Angola.
At first glance, these news items might seem ordinary amid the
flood of attention around the Epstein case. Yet, a few important
questions may reveal why the UAE is shifting its traditional focus
from East Africa and the Horn of Africa toward Central and West
Africa—specifically, why it is intensifying its economic
partnerships with Zambia, the DRC, and Angola.
The answer, before diving into details, lies in the fact that this
geography in Africa currently represents the main arena of
competition between the United States and China. The region
stretching from northern Zambia to southern Congo forms the
world’s largest copper and cobalt belt. In other words, it holds
immense reserves of critical minerals—especially copper and
cobalt—that will make it one of the most vital resource zones in
the coming decade.
After consolidating its influence in East Africa, Abu Dhabi is now
seeking to strengthen its foothold in Central and West Africa, with
increasing focus on mining and clean energy infrastructure
projects. In reality, this expansion of influence is not new—it did
not begin with recent strategic agreement. For several years now,
Abu Dhabi has been intensifying its presence in Africa’s mining
sector, particularly in Zambia and the DRC.
The UAE has acquired a majority stake in one of Zambia’s largest
copper mines, as well as in one of the DRC’s richest Tin mines. It
has also signed major deals to develop several critical-mineral
mines in the same countries, along with a large-scale project for
processing copper and cobalt.
The UAE’s ambitions go beyond major mining investments—it is
also targeting strategic transport corridors that will carry the “fuel
of the future” from Africa to the United States and Europe. The
comprehensive economic partnership signed with Angola centers
on developing Angolan ports along the Atlantic Ocean, which are
set to become the new export gateways for Copper and Cobalt
from Zambia and the DRC via the Lobito Corridor, reaching
Angolan ports and from there to American and European markets.
This route effectively challenges China’s dominance over the
world’s largest copper–cobalt belt.
Yet, the UAE’s moves do not occur in isolation from the broader
U.S.–China rivalry over critical minerals. On the eve of the
UAE–DRC partnership announcement, Washington—through a
government-backed consortium—revealed a huge $9 billion deal
to acquire a 40% stake in Glencore’s mining investments in the
DRC. This timing may be coincidental, but it speaks volumes
about the broader story.
UAE’s involvement in aligns with U.S. efforts
The UAE’s growing involvement in Congolese mining aligns with
U.S. efforts across Africa to counter Chinese control of critical
minerals and to secure flexible, reliable supply chains away from
Beijing’s reach.
Thus, Abu Dhabi’s vision appears to align with American strategic
priorities, reinforcing the UAE’s value to Washington through
investments in critical minerals that the U.S. ranks among its top
priorities. At the same time, just as oil once served as a tool that
boosted the regional and global influence of Gulf states, the
UAE’s deepening partnerships in Central and West Africa—and
its heavy investments in critical minerals—will help preserve its
regional and international clout as it positions itself within the new
global energy order.
Epstein’s files expose the secrets of power and control
Epstein’s files and other scandals will continue to expose the
secrets of power and control in the world—but meanwhile, the
real story lies in the relentless efforts of powerful actors to
dominate the sectors shaping the future decades. This is where
attention must turn, for it is here that the secrets of the future are
revealed—while the world remains distracted by the scandals of
the past.
The attached map shows Emirati mining investments across
Africa, Asia, and Latin America.
Proof of Mossad’s presence in Libya
After the fall of the Gaddafi regime, Libya emerged as an “open
cake” for redivision among various parties. In this context, we
come across a secret message regarding the division of the cake
between an Emirati family that is Zionized—the family of Maneh
Saad Al Otaiba, father of the current UAE ambassador to
Washington, Yousef Al Otaiba—and a Libyan family referred to as
the Saad family.
The message was sent by a person named “Bill Konfr” to Epstein,
informing him that a powerful group stands at the heart of the
scene: an Emirati–Libyan alliance led by the Al Otaiba family from
Abu Dhabi, in partnership with the Libyan Saad family. According
to the message, this group was not just ordinary investors; it was
a main financier of the rebellion, contributed to the establishment
of the National Transitional Council (NTC), and then moved
directly to seize key sectors of the Libyan economy:
Banking, the national telecommunications company, oil services,
food, cars, and heavy equipment.
The text of the message dated 6 March 2012 can be read as
follows:
We are currently dealing with the Saad–Al Otaiba group
regarding some potential deals in Libya.
In short, this is the group coming out of Abu Dhabi that helped
establish the National Transitional Council in Libya and was one
of the main financial backers of the subsequent rebellion. The Al
Otaiba family owns large stakes in the National Bank of Abu
Dhabi, the National Insurance Company, the largest mobile phone
company in the region, as well as oil services companies, and
they represent many global brands. The founder of the group was
president of OPEC for six terms. One member of the Al Otaiba
family currently serves as ambassador to the United States.
The Saad family is a Libyan expatriate family that has worked with
the Al Otaiba family for decades as key advisors to many of their
business interests. The Saad family owned the largest oil services
company in Libya before Gaddafi nationalized it.
The Al Otaiba group will enter Libya in partnership with the Saad
family as the local Libyan partner. So far, they have already
deposited nearly a billion dollars in a bank they own in Libya, and
they will soon take over the Libyan national telephone company
through a long-term management agreement. They are also
looking for partners and brands for other business sectors.
They are interested in obtaining exclusive distribution licenses for
a number of car and heavy equipment brands, including General
Motors, Caterpillar, Mercedes, Volkswagen–Audi, Nissan, and
others. They also plan to enter the food production sector i.e.
pasta, dairy products, confectionery, etc and the oil services
sector. They are looking for a joint venture partner for deep-sea
offshore drilling to contract with the Libyan National Oil
Corporation. In all business categories, they seek to represent
well-known brands in Libya or enter joint ventures.
We will continue dealing with the Misrata business family we
discussed with you previously for some deals, but the Saad–Al
Otaiba group has far greater potential for success in major deals
and representing global companies.
I will be traveling to the United States this week and hope we can
meet when I arrive in New York.
(Document Number: EFTA00659624)
It is clear from the message that Epstein was indeed running
business in Libya through a family in Misrata immediately after
Gaddafi’s fall. This implicitly means that Mossad has been
present in Libya since Gaddafi’s downfall.
